Ruth Bader Ginsburg (1933-2020)

When the Supreme Court of the United States decided Smith v. Doe in 2003 – wrongly, in my opinion – only two justices dissented with the opinion of the majority. Justice Breyer and Justice Ginsburg. Yesterday we lost one of them.

Since 2003, Smith v. Doe has been a noose hanging over our heads. The most cited case whenever the court had to justify taking a position that the registry is not  punishment. No matter what was piled on, because Smith v. Doe said it wasn’t punishment, it wasn’t.  I had always hoped that a case would make it to the court quickly enough so that Justice Ginsburg could hear it. If she felt the registry, in its 2003 form, violated the constitution, she would certainly feel the 2020 version did even more. Unfortunately, that hope is lost and the world has lost an extraordinary jurist.

Rather than try to explain in my own words what Justice Ginsburg did for our cause, I will copy and paste the dissenting opinion in Smith v. Doe below and let the words Justice Ginsburg wrote explain it,

As JUSTICE SOUTER carefully explains, it is unclear whether the Alaska Legislature conceived of the State’s Sex Offender Registration Act as a regulatory measure or as a penal law. See ante, at 107-109 (opinion concurring in judgment). Accordingly, in resolving whether the Act ranks as penal for ex post facto purposes, I would not demand “the clearest proof” that the statute is in effect criminal rather than civil. Instead, guided by Kennedy v. Mendoza-Martinez, 372 U. S. 144 (1963), I would neutrally evaluate the Act’s purpose and effects. See id., at 168-169 (listing seven factors courts should consider “[a]bsent conclusive evidence of [legislative] intent as to the penal nature of a statute”); cf. Hudson v. United States, 522 U. S. 93, 115 (1997) (BREYER, J., concurring in judgment) (“[I]n fact if not in theory, the Court has simply applied factors of the Kennedy variety to the matter at hand.”).[1]

Measured by the Mendoza-Martinez factors, I would hold Alaska’s Act punitive in effect. Beyond doubt, the Act involves an “affirmative disability or restraint.” 372 U. S., at 168. As JUSTICE STEVENS and JUSTICE SOUTER spell out, Alaska’s Act imposes onerous and intrusive obligations on convicted sex offenders; and it exposes registrants, through aggressive public notification of their crimes, to profound humiliation and community-wide ostracism. See ante, at 109, and n. (SOUTER, J., concurring in judgment); ante, at 111-112 (STEVENS, J., dissenting in No. 01-729 and concurring in judgment in No. 01-1231).

Furthermore, the Act’s requirements resemble historically common forms of punishment. See Mendoza-Martinez, 372 U. S., at 168. Its registration and reporting provisions are comparable to conditions of supervised release or parole; its public notification regimen, which permits placement of the registrant’s face on a webpage under the label “Registered Sex Offender,” calls to mind shaming punishments once used to mark an offender as someone to be shunned. See ante, at 111-112 (STEVENS, J., dissenting in No. 01-729 and concurring in judgment in No. 01-1231); ante, at 109 (SOUTER, J., concurring in judgment).

Telling too, as JUSTICE SOUTER observes, past crime alone, not current dangerousness, is the “touchstone” triggering the Act’s obligations. Ibid. (opinion concurring in judgment); see ante, at 112-113 (STEVENS, J., dissenting in No. 01-729 and concurring in judgment in No. 01-1231). This touchstone adds to the impression that the Act retributively targets past guilt, i.e., that it “revisit[s] past crimes [more than it] prevent[s] future ones.” Ante, at 109 (SOUTER, J., concurring in judgment); see Mendoza-Martinez, 372 U. S., at 168.

Tending the other way, I acknowledge, the Court has ranked some laws civil and nonpunitive although they impose significant disabilities or restraints. See, e. g., Flemming v. Nestor, 363 U. S. 603 (1960) (termination of accrued disability benefits payable to deported resident aliens); Kansas v. Hendricks, 521 U. S. 346 (1997) (civil confinement of mentally ill sex offenders). The Court has also deemed some laws nonpunitive despite “punitive aspects.” See United States v. Ursery, 518 U. S. 267, 290 (1996).

What ultimately tips the balance for me is the Act’s excessiveness in relation to its nonpunitive purpose. See Mendoza-Martinez, 372 U. S., at 169. As respondents concede, see Brief for Respondents 38, the Act has a legitimate civil purpose: to promote public safety by alerting the public to potentially recidivist sex offenders in the community. See ante, at 102-103 (majority opinion). But its scope notably exceeds this purpose. The Act applies to all convicted sex offenders, without regard to their future dangerousness. And the duration of the reporting requirement is keyed not to any determination of a particular offender’s risk of reoffending, but to whether the offense of conviction qualified as aggravated. The reporting requirements themselves are exorbitant: The Act requires aggravated offenders to engage in perpetual quarterly reporting, even if their personal information has not changed. See ante, at 90. And meriting heaviest weight in my judgment, the Act makes no provision whatever for the possibility of rehabilitation: Offenders cannot shorten their registration or notification period, even on the clearest demonstration of rehabilitation or conclusive proof of physical incapacitation. However plain it may be that a former sex offender currently poses no threat of recidivism, he will remain subject to long-term monitoring and inescapable humiliation.

John Doe I, for example, pleaded nolo contendere to a charge of sexual abuse of a minor nine years before the Alaska Act was enacted. He successfully completed a treatment program, and gained early release on supervised probation in part because of his compliance with the program’s requirements and his apparent low risk of reoffense. Brief for Respondents 1. He subsequently remarried, established a business, and was reunited with his family. Ibid. He was also granted custody of a minor daughter, based on a court’s determination that he had been successfully rehabilitated. See Doe I v. Otte, 259 F. 3d 979, 983 (CA9 2001). The court’s determination rested in part on psychiatric evaluations concluding that Doe had “a very low risk of re-offending” and is “not a pedophile.” Ibid. (internal quotation marks omitted). Notwithstanding this strong evidence of rehabilitation, the Alaska Act requires Doe to report personal information to the State four times per year, and permits the State publicly to label him a “Registered Sex Offender” for the rest of his life.

Satisfied that the Act is ambiguous in intent and punitive in effect, I would hold its retroactive application incompatible with the Ex Post Facto Clause, and would therefore affirm the judgment of the Court of Appeals.

Rest in Peace Ruth Bader Ginsburg!


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31 thoughts on “Ruth Bader Ginsburg (1933-2020)

  • September 20, 2020

    On the flip side, Ginsburg and the other liberals were the ones who made the bad ruling in Gundy v US.

    To boot, liberals claimed that Gundy would have been one of the most disastrous SCOTUS rulings in US history had it gone in the sex offender’s favor. Conservatives didn’t have the same extreme opinion about about Doe v Alaska.

    Reply
    • September 21, 2020

      True, but Gundy did not challenge sex registries per se. Registries themselves were not at issue. In Smith v Doe, they were.

      Reply
      • September 21, 2020

        Gundy didn’t touch on the registry except for the powers of the Attorney General to direct the registry.

        Reply
  • September 20, 2020

    Stevens was in dissent too, no? How can one say it is for public safety? Like, just exactly what do they want the public to do with this information? I would love for a direct answer from any legislative person to tell me just what I am suppose to do with this information. And not for nothing, and will all due respect, but I do not understand how anyone, at anytime, could have thought making a public list of people is ok. Ever.

    As always a great post and in site into a wonderful woman. She will be missed and I was so sad when I heard the news. May she be resting in peace.

    Reply
    • September 21, 2020

      Stevens didn’t disagree with the outcome, just the reasoning.

      Reply
  • September 20, 2020

    Conservative justices have not been our allies on the Supreme Court. Just look at the major decisions of the past quarter-century:

    Kansas v Hendricks, 521 US 346 (1997): A 5-4 split, with conservative justices Thomas, Scalia, Rehnquist, and O’Connor joining Kennedy in upholding civil commitment based on a lower standard for commitment and a lower burden of proof. Justices Ginsburg joined Breyer, Stevens, and Souter in dissent.

    McKune v. Lile, 536 US 24 (2002): A 5-4 split, with conservative justices Thomas, Scalia, Rehnquist, and O’Connor joining Kennedy in denying the Kansas Sexual Abuse Treatment Program violate inmates’ Fifth Amendment privilege against compelled self-incrimination. Justices Ginsburg joined Breyer, Stevens, and Souter in dissent.

    Smith v Doe, 538 US 84 (2003): A 6-3 split, with conservative justices Thomas, Scalia, Rehnquist, and O’Connor joining Kennedy and liberal justice Souter in denying the Alaska sex offense registry is punitive and thus violating the ex post facto clause. Justices Ginsburg wrote the dissent, joined by Breyer and Stevens.

    Kennedy v Louisiana, 554 US 407 (2008): A 5-4 split, with liberal justices Ginsburg, Stevens, Souter, and Breyer joining Kennedy in a majority opinion declaring a person cannot be executed for a sex offense where no death was involved. Conservative justices Roberts, Alito, Scalia, and Thomas feels it is perfectly fine to execute a Registered Person if his offense did not result in death.

    Packingham v North Carolina, 582 US _ (2017): While this decision was unanimous on upholding a registrant’s right to social media (8-0, as Justice Gorsuch was not a part of the vote), the conservative justices Roberts, Alito, Roberts, and Thomas wrote a concurring opinion that state states should be allowed to regulate activity on certain websites.

    US v Haymond, 588 US _ (2019): In a 5-4 split that ruled 18 USC 3583(k) violates the Fifth and Sixth Amendments by imposing a mandatory minimum punishment on a criminal defendant upon a finding by a preponderance of the evidence that the defendant engaged in certain criminal conduct during supervised release, Ginsburg joined liberal justices Breyer, Kagan, and Sotomayor and conservative justice Gorsuch in the majority opinion. Conservative justices Alito, Roberts, Thomas, and Kavanaugh dissented. The case involved a Registered Person sentenced on a parole violation based on a “preponderance of the evidence” finding the registrant’s computer may have recently contained illicit photos.

    While this pattern has not been universal (See US v Comstock, 560 US 126 (2010), where only conservative justices Alito and Thomas rejected the majority opinion that Congress had the constitutional authority to enact the Adam Walsh Act under the Necessary and Proper Clause), the majority of landmark cases impacting Registered Persons have been divided, with liberal justices more likely to vote against registry laws and other draconian sanctions.

    If Trump puts another conservative on the bench, any hope for revisiting Smith v Doe goes out the window.

    Reply
  • September 20, 2020

    Even tho she’s gone now and clearly the Justice had a great mind and understanding of the constitution and how it affected us today. Ist it slightly encouraging that SCOTUS recently refused to hear cases and affirmed the lowered courts decision like in the case from Michigan (Does) maby it was. Doesn’t that show that at least the Supreme Courts recognizes that the Registry is unconstitutional and not entirely enforceable? Or am I looking at this all wrong.

    Reply
  • September 20, 2020

    I see that most of the posts here are already speculating that RBG replacement will do nothing for us. How can anyone possibly know this? It seems politics has invaded this forum already before any announcement of a nomination has been made. Have any of you actually done any research into the past rulings of potential nominees on our issues? If you have, please post them and keep us all in the loop with FACTS INSTEAD OF SPECULATION

    Reply

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